94-3-443
For this reason, you can bet that if the regimes have their way, Arabs will not get the chance. Arab rulers hold on to power through a cynical combination of coercion, intimidation and co-option. From time to time they let hollow parties fight bogus elections, which then return them to power. Where genuine opposition exists it tends to be fatally split between Islamist movements on one hand and, on the other, secular parties that fear the Islamists more than they dislike the regimes themselves. Most of the small cosmetic reforms Arab leaders enacted when Mr Bush was pushing his 'freedom agenda' on unwilling allies have since been rolled back. If anything, sad to say, the cause of democracy became tainted by association with a president most Arabs despised for invading Iraq.
The illusion of permanence
Can regimes that are failing their people so clearly really hold sway over some 350m people indefinitely? Hosni Mubarak has been Egypt's president for 28 years Muammar Qaddafi has run Libya since 1969. When Hafez Assad died after three decades as president of Syria, power passed smoothly to his son Bashar. After the failure of Mr Bush's efforts to promote democracy, and the debacle in Iraq, Barack Obama has put 'respect' rather than 'freedom' at the centre of America's discourse with the Muslim world. That may be wise: since the advent of Mr Obama, America's standing has risen in Arab eyes, and Mr Bush's zeal for reforming other countries was counterproductive anyway. But this suggests that if the Arabs want democracy, they will have to grab it for themselves.
A. ¾îÈÖ
you can bet Ʋ¸²¾øÀÌ ±×·¸´Ù. cf. bet ³»±â¸¦ ÇÏ´Ù. regime ïÙÏí(Á¤±Ç).
have their way ±×µé »ý°¢´ë·Î ÇØÄ¡¿ì´Ù. hold on to power ±Ç·ÂÀ» À¯ÁöÇÏ´Ù.
cynical ³Ã¼ÒÀûÀÎ. coercion Ëäâ(°¾Ð), °Á¦. intimidation À§Çù.
co-option û»àÔ(È£¼±). hollow Èû¾ø´Â, °ÅÁþÀÇ, ¼ÓÀÌ ÅÖ ºó.
hollow parties ÈûÀÌ ¾ø´Â Á¤´ç. bogus °¡Â¥ÀÇ, À§Á¶ÀÇ. genuine òØàõ(Áø¼º)ÀÇ, ÁøÂ¥ÀÇ.
opposition ¾ß´ç. fatally Ä¡¸íÀûÀ¸·Î. split-split-split ºÐ¿µÇ´Ù, ºÐ¿µÈ.
regime ïÙÏí(Á¤±Ç). secular ºñÁ¾±³ÀûÀÎ, ¼¼¼ÓÀÇ, À̼¼»óÀÇ.
cosmetic Àå½ÄÀûÀÎ, ÈÀåǰ. reform °³Çõ. enact ÇàÇÏ´Ù, ¹ý·üÈÇÏ´Ù.
agenda ì¡ð¹(ÀÇÁ¦), ÇùÀÇ»çÇ×. allies µ¿¸Í±¹µé.
If anything ¾î´À ÆíÀÌ³Ä Çϸé(rather), ¿ÀÈ÷·Á.
cause »çȸÀûÀÎ ¿îµ¿, ÓÞëùÙ£ÝÂ(´ëÀǸíºÐ). sad to say ¸»À» Çϱ⿡´Â ½½ÇÁÁö¸¸.
taint ¿À¿°½ÃŰ´Ù, ¾ó·è. association æáßÌ(¿¬»ó), °ü·Ã. despise ¸÷½Ã ½È¾îÇÏ´Ù, ±òº¸´Ù.
The illusion of permanence ¿µ¼Ó ºÒº¯¿¡ ´ëÇÑ È¯»ó.
hold sway over ...À» Áö¹èÇÏ´Ù. indefinitely ¹«ÇÑÈ÷. power ±Ç·Â.
debacle ÆÐÅð, è¿ú°(¿ÍÇØ), ´ëÈ«¼ö. discourse ÓÈü¥(´ãÈ).
advent µîÀå, ÃâÇö, ÓðÕÎ(µµ·¡). zeal ¿¼º. counterproductive ºñ»ý»êÀû.
grab Àâ¾ÆÃ¤´Ù, ¿òÄÑÁã´Ù. for themselves ½º½º·ÎÀÇ ÈûÀ¸·Î.
B. ±¸¹®
-Where genuine opposition exists it tends. . . dislike the regimes themselves.
[ÁøÂ¥ ¹Ý´ë¼¼·ÂÀÌ ÀÖ´Â ³ª¶ó¿¡¼´Â Á¤±Ç¿¡ ¹Ý´ëÇÏ´Â ¾ß´ç¼¼·ÂÀº ÇÑ ÂÊÀÇ À̽½¶÷ ¿îµ¿±Ç°ú Á¤±ÇÀÚü¸¦ ½È¾îÇÏ´Â °Íº¸´Ùµµ À̽½¶÷ÁÖÀÇÀÚµéÀ» ´õ µÎ·Á¿öÇÏ´Â ´Ù¸¥ ÂÊÀÇ ºñÁ¾±³Àû Á¤´ç°£¿¡ Ä¡¸íÀûÀ¸·Î ºÐ¿µÇ´Â °æÇâÀÌ ÀÖ´Ù.]
94-4-444
Some in the West are wary of Arab elections, fearing that Islamists would exploit the chance to seize power on the principle of 'one man, one vote, one time'. Yet Islamists seem to struggle to raise their support much above 20% of the electorate. Non-Arab Muslim countries like Turkey and Indonesia suggest that democracy is the best way to draw the poison of extremism. Repression only makes it more dangerous.
Democracy is more than just elections. It is about education, tolerance and building independent institutions such as a judiciary and a free press. The hard question is how much ordinary Arabs want all this. There have been precious few Tehran-style protests on the streets of Cairo. Most Arabs still seem unwilling to pay the price of change. Or perhaps, observing Iraq, they prefer stagnation to the chaos that change might bring. But regimes would be unwise to count on permanent passivity. As our special report in this issue argues, behind the political stagnation of the Arab world a great social upheaval is under way, with far-reaching consequences.
In almost every Arab country, fertility is in decline, more people, especially women, are becoming educated, and businessmen want a bigger say in economies dominated by the state. Above all, a revolution in satellite television has broken the spell of the state-run media and created a public that wants the rulers to explain and justify themselves as never before. On their own, none of these changes seems big enough to prompt a revolution. But taken together they are creating a great agitation under the surface. The old pattern of Arab governmentcorrupt, opaque and authoritarianhas failed on every level and does not deserve to survive. At some point it will almost certainly collapse. The great unknown is when.
A. ¾îÈÖ
wary of ½ÅÁßÇÑ, °æ°èÇÏ´Â. exploit À¯¸®Çϵµ·Ï ÀÌ¿ëÇÏ´Ù.
seize power ±Ç·ÂÀ» Àâ´Ù. electorate À¯±ÇÀÚ. draw µ¶À» »¡¾Æ³»´Ù.
poison Ô¸(µ¶). extremism ±Ø´ÜÁÖÀÇ. repression ¾ï¾Ð. tolerance °ü¿ë.
institution ±â°ü. judiciary ÞÉÛöݤ(»ç¹ýºÎ). free press ¾ð·ÐÀÚÀ¯.
precious ±ÍÁßÇÑ, °ªºñ½Ñ. stagnation ïÎôò(Á¤Ã¼), Çö»óÀ¯Áö. chaos È¥¶õ, È¥µ·.
count on ÀÇÁ¸ÇÏ´Ù. permanent ¿µ±¸ÀûÀÎ, ¿µ¿øÇÑ. passivity ¼Ò±ØÀûÀÓ, Çǵ¿ÀûÀÎ °Í.
this issue ½Å¹®(The Economist)ÀÇ À̹ø ûÜ(È£). upheaval ´ë º¯µ¿, °Ýµ¿.
is under way ÀϾ°í ÀÖ´Ù. far-reaching ±¤¹üÀ§ÇÑ. consequences °á°ú.
fertility Ãâ»êÀ². say ¹ß¾ð±Ç. revolution Çõ¸í. satellite television À§¼º¹æ¼Û.
spell تÕô(¸¶·Â), ñ±âú(ÁÖ¼ú). the state-run media ÏÐç½(±¹¿µ) ¸Åü.
justify Á¤´çÈÇÏ´Ù. as never before ì¤îñ(ÀÌÀü)°ú ¾ÆÁÖ ´Ù¸£°Ô.
On their own í»Õô(ÀÚ·Â)À¸·Î´Â, µ¶¸³ÀûÀ¸·Î´Â. prompt ÃËÁøÇÏ´Ù.
agitation °Ýµ¿, ÈïºÐ, ÔÑèô(µ¿¿ä). corrupt ºÎÆÐÇÑ. opaque ºÒÅõ¸íÇÑ.
authoritarian µ¶ÀçÀûÀÎ, ±ÇÀ§ÁÖÀÇÀûÀÎ. deserve ...ÇÒ¸¸ÇÑ °¡Ä¡°¡ ÀÖ´Ù.
collapse ºØ±«ÇÏ´Ù. unknown Ú±ò±â¦(¹ÌÁö¼ö).
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