156-4-705
Another battleground will be the unions¡¯ legal privileges. It is not that long since politicians of all persuasions were uncomfortable with the idea of government workers joining unions. (Franklin Roosevelt opposed this on the grounds that public servants had ¡°special relations¡± and ¡°special obligations¡± to the government and the rest of the public.) It would be perverse to ban public-sector unions outright at a time when governments are trying to make public services more like private ones. But their right to strike should be more tightly limited and the rules governing political donations and even unionisation itself should be changed to ¡°opt-in¡± ones, in which a member decides whether to give or join.
The productivity imperative
Fixing the public sector must not be allowed to degenerate into demonising it. Its health is vital to the health of society as a whole, not least because of its impact on economic growth. Bad teachers mean a lousy talent-pool for employers. Allowing a subway driver to retire at 50 on an artificially inflated pension means less to spend on infrastructure: just look at America¡¯s highways and railways. Even if many public services are monopolies, private capital is mobile: it goes to places where government works. With ageing populations needing ever more state help, the left should have as much interest as the right in an efficient state sector (perhaps more so, as it thinks government is the way to right society¡¯s ills).
Private-sector productivity has soared in the West over the past quarter-century, even in old industries such as steel and carmaking. Companies have achieved this because they have the freedom to manage—to experiment, to expand successful innovations, to close down bad ones, to promote talented people (see article). Across the public sector, unions have fought all this, most cruelly in education (see article). It can be harder to restructure government than business, but even small productivity gains can bring big savings.
The coming battle should be about delivering better services, not about cutting resources. Focusing on productivity should help politicians redefine the debate. The imminent retirement of the baby-boomers is a chance to hire a new generation of workers with different contracts. Politicians face a choice: push ahead, reform and create jobs in the long term or give in again, and cut more services and raise more taxes.
¾îÈÖ
persuasions ½ÅÁ¶, Á¾ÆÄ, °è±Þ, ¼³µæ. legal ¹ýÀûÀÎ.
privileges Ư±Ç. obligations Àǹ«, Ã¥ÀÓ. perverse ºÎ´çÇÑ, ½É¼ú±ÄÀº, ¿Ï°íÇÑ.
ban ±ÝÁöÇÏ´Ù. public-sector unions °ø°øºÐ¾ß ³ëÁ¶.
outright ¿ÏÀüÈ÷, öÀúÇϰÔ. political donations Á¤Ä¡Çå±Ý.
opt-in ÞÀîñÔÒëò(»çÀüµ¿ÀÇ). imperative ±ä¿äÇÑ, ¸í·ÉÀûÀÎ.
degenerate Åðº¸ÇÏ´Ù, Ÿ¶ôÇÏ´Ù. demonize ¾Ç¸¶·Î ¸¸µé´Ù.
vital Àý´ë·Î ÇÊ¿äÇÑ, Áö±ØÈ÷ Áß¿äÇÑ, Ȱ·ÂÀÇ. impact ¿µÇâ·Â, Ãæ°Ý.
lousy ´õ·¯¿î, ºñ¿ÇÑ. pool °øµ¿°ü¸® ¿ä¿ø. talent-pool ìÑî¦(ÀÎÀç) Ç®, ÀÎÀû ÀÚ¿ø.
artificially inflated pension ÀÎÀ§ÀûÀ¸·Î ºÎÇ®¾î ³õÀº ¿¬±Ý.
infrastructure ÇϺα¸Á¶, ±â°£½Ã¼³. monopolies µ¶Á¡±â¾÷.
the left ÁÂÆÄ. the right ¿ìÆÄ. right ¹Ù¸£°Ô °íÄ¡´Ù.
soar ³¯¾Æ¿À¸£´Ù. quarter-century 4¹Ý¼¼±â. innovations Çõ½Å.
close down Æó¼âÇÏ´Ù. deliver ¹è´ÞÇÏ´Ù. redefine ´Ù½Ã ïÒì¡(Á¤ÀÇ)ÇÏ´Ù.
imminent ÀÓ¹ÚÇÑ.
ÇÑ´«¿¡ º¸´Â
º£½ºÆ® ±â»ç
- 1 Çѵ¿ÈÆÀÇ ¿ª»çÀû »ç¸í°ú Áö¹æ¼±°ÅÀÇ ÀǹÌ
- 2 5¿ù31ÀÏÀº ±èÀϼº ¾ÕÀ¸·Î ÆíÁö ¾´ ³¯
- 3 À°»ç(ëÁÞÍ)°¡ ¹Ì¿ì¸é À°»ç¸¸ ÆóÁöÇ϶ó
- 4 ¿Ö ¸»¸®´Â »ç¶÷±îÁö ÈæÈ(ýÙûù)Çϴ°¡?
- 5 ÃÖ¾ÇÀÇ ÀúÁúµé¿¡°Ô Áö¹è´çÇÏ´Â ¿ì¸®ÀÇ Çö½Ç
- 6 ³ëÀε鿡°Ô ȸÀü¿îµ¿À» ºÎÃß±â´Ù´Ï
- 7 çïá¦ý³(¿À¼¼ÈÆ) ¼¿ï½ÃÀåÀÇ ½Â¸®´Â ¿øÄ¢°ú Á¤ÀÇÀÇ ½Â¸®´Ù
- 8 ¼¿ï½Ã¹ÎÀº ÀÌÀç¸í Á¤±ÇÀ» ½ÉÆÇÇß½À´Ï´Ù
- 9 ³²ÇÑ ºÎÀΰúÀÇ ÀÌÈ¥ µ¿±â(ÔÑѦ) - '±×³É ½È¾î¼'
- 10 ±èÁøÀº Àú½Â¿¡¼ Çѵ¿ÈÆÀ» ÀÀ¿øÇϰí ÀÖÀ» °ÍÀÌ´Ù!












