조갑제닷컴 컨텐츠의 외부 게재시 제목과 내용을 수정하지 마십시오(출처명기).
김일성은 제2차 인혁당(인민혁명당) 사건 발생 1년 뒤인 1975년 6월 초 불가리아를 방문했다. 당시 그는 토도르 지프코프 불가리아 총리와 나눈 非공개 대화에서 북한의 지령을 받아 남한 내에 조직된 통혁당(1968년 8월 검거)의 직접적인 인원 수를 아래와 같이 밝혔다.
《남조선의 마르크스당(黨)인 통혁당의 인원 수는 많지 않다. 약 3천명 가량 된다. 통혁당은 각지에 중앙조직이 구성되어 있다. 통혁당원들은 몇 개 공장에 대표를 두고 있지만, 불법화됐으며, 활동이 약화됐다. 통혁당원들이 (남조선의) 노동자-농민들 속에서 활동케 하고, 공개적인 反박정희 활동을 하게 한 결과 지도부가 와해됐다. 이 때문에 우리는 통혁당원들로 하여금 남조선의 합법정당에 참여할 것과 노동자 농민들에 대한 영향력을 증대시킬 것을 지시했다. 남조선의 민주화와 통일을 위해 투쟁하는 주요세력은 학생들이다. 이들은 대규모 反박정희 데모를 조직화하고 있다. 이들 모두가 활발한 투쟁을 벌이고 있다.》
위 자료는 美정부연구기관인 '우드로윌슨센터'(Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars) 홈페이지에 게재되어 있는 자료로 불가리아 주재 동독 대사관이 입수한 기밀 정보였다. 자료의 영문 번역은 '우드로윌슨센터'의 번드 셰퍼연구원이 했다.
1960년대 지하당 '인혁당', '통혁당'
김일성은 레닌의《黨건설론》과 《소수 정예의 직업혁명가론》에 따라 6.25의 실패와 4.19를 결정적 시기로 연결시키지 못한 요인이 혁명을 지도할 地下黨(지하당) 부재에 있는 것으로 못 박고 간첩침투를 통해 지하당 구축공작을 집요하게 추진했다.
이에 따라 김일성은 1961년 9월 제4차 노동자대회를 통해 4.19를 공산화혁명으로 유도하지 못한 근본요인이 남한 내에 ‘혁명적 黨’이 없었기 때문이라고 결론짓고 ‘지하당 조직’ 강화지령을 하달했다.
6·25전쟁 이후 남로당은 와해됐지만 그 잔존 세력은 인혁당-통혁당-남민전 등 북한 노동당의 지도성을 인정하는 ‘지하당’ 건설 사업을 꾸준히 전개해왔다.
이들은 공안당국의 적발로 그때그때 조직이 와해됐고, 핵심 지도부는 사형과 장기 受刑(수형)으로 운동의 단절을 격지만 이념적, 역사적 맥은 지금껏 이어져 오고 있다. 패퇴한 남로당 세력의 첫 번째 공식적 재건은 1964년 검거된 인민혁명당(이하 인혁당)이다.
인혁당(제1차 인민혁명당 사건)은 남파간첩 김영춘에 포섭된 도예종·이재문 등이 조선노동당 강령을 토대로 작성한 정강에 기초해 1962년 1월 결성된 조직이다.
인혁당은 북한의 지령에 따라 간첩활동을 하다 1964년 중앙정보부에 의해 검거됐다. 도예종·이재문은 이 사건으로 각각 징역 4년과 징역 1년을 선고받았다.
도예종은 1973년 인혁당 재건을 꾀하다 결국 사형 당했고, 이재문은 1979년 남민전 사건으로 사형이 확정된 후 1981년 10월 서대문 구치소에서 病死(병사)했다.
통일혁명당(이하 통혁당) 사건 역시 中央黨(중앙당)인 조선노동당 지시를 받는 지하당이었다. 통혁당은 1961년 12월 전남 무안 荏子島(임자도) 주민 최영도가 南派(남파)공작원 김수영에 포섭되며 시작됐다. 최영도는 평양을 오가며 조선노동당에 입당했고 이후 김종태를 포섭했다. 김종태도 평양을 오가며 조선로동당에 입당했고 이후 김질락·이문규 등과 통혁당을 조직한다.
이 사건은 한명숙 민주통합당 前 대표와 韓 대표의 남편인 박성준이 연루됐다. 통혁당 조직원들은 美貨(미화) 7만 달러, 韓貨(한화) 3천만 원, 日貨(일화) 50만 엔의 공작금을 받으며 간첩활동을 하다 1968년 8월 중앙정보부에 검거됐다. A4 1000여 쪽에 달하는 판결문은 통혁당을 “남로당을 부활시킨 조직체”로서 “북한의 무력남침에 대비한 사전 공작 조직”이라고 정의했다.
통혁당 사건의 주범인 김종태, 김질락은 사형됐다. 신영복, 박성준은 각각 무기징역, 징역 15년을 선고받고 20년과 12년을 복역했다. 韓대표 역시 징역 1년, 집행유예1년, 자격정지1년의 실형을 선고받았다.
1970년대 지하당 '남민전' 사건
통혁당의 이념적 흐름은 남조선민족해방전선준비위원회(이하 남민전)으로 이어진다. 1979년 10월 검거된 남민전은 1964년 인혁당 연루자 이재문 등이 감옥에 나와서 결성한 또 다른 地下(지하) 공산혁명조직이다. 남민전은 인혁당 재건위 사형수 8명의 옷을 모아 北韓旗(북한기)를 모방한 남민전 깃발을 제작했다.
남민전은 민중봉기로 공산혁명을 한다는 목표 아래 김일성에게 “피로써 충성을 맹세”하는 서신을 보냈고, 결정적 시기에 북한군 지원을 요청할 계획을 세웠다. 彗星隊(혜성대)라는 행동대를 조직, 기업인 자택·금은방에 침입해 금품을 강탈한 소위 ‘땅벌작전’도 벌였다.
남민전 주범인 이재문·신향식은 사형선고를 받았고, 안재구(前 숙명여대 교수), 김승균(前 <사상계> 편집장), 임헌영(現 민족문제연구소장), 이학영(민주통합당 4·11총선 당선자) 등의 인물들이 구속됐다. 이학영은 남민전 사건에 연루돼 5년간 복역한 뒤 2011년 10·26 서울시장 보궐선거 당시 박원순 선거대책위원회에서 활동했다.
남민전은 한국을 미국의 소위 “新식민지 사회”로 보았고 소위 미국의 “토착지배 체제”인 박정희 정권을 타도대상으로 삼았다. 이 같은 인식은 1980년대 NL(민족해방)로 구체화된다.
조갑제닷컴 김필재 firstname.lastname@example.org /2012년 9월17일
[관련자료] Cold War International History Project
Letter From GDR Ambassador Wenning to Bulgarian Member of the Politburo and Secretary of SED Central Committee Comrade Hermann Axen
June 18 1975 Source:
PolA AA, MfAA, C 294/78. Obtained and Translated by for NKIDP by Bernd Schaefer.
This letter encloses a translated copy of an 'Information for the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party about the Talks between Comrades Todor Zhivkov and Kim Il Sung during the Visit of the DPRK Party and Government Delegation to Bulgaria from 2 to 5 June 1975.' In it is discussed both Kim Il Sung's remarks on Korean Unification both officially and privately with Comrade Todor Zhivkov. Essentially in both cases Kim makes the argument that the path of military reunification is largely closed off due to the superior military presence of both South Korean and American forces, and instead discusses the details of achieving peaceful reunification by swelling up internal divisions within South Korea, forcing the withdrawal of American forces, and isolating the Park Chung Hee regime internationally.
GDR Embassy to the People’s Republic of Bulgaria
Sofia, 18 June 1975
Member of Politburo and Secretary of SED Central Committee Comrade Hermann A x e n
B e r l i n
Dear Comrade Axen!
Enclosed I forward the original and two copies of a translation of an “Information for the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party about the Talks between Comrades Todor Zhivkov and Kim Il Sung during the Visit of the DPRK Party and Government Delegation to Bulgaria from 2 to 5 June 1975”.
This material was handed over by Comrade Tellalov to the ambassadors of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and to me on 17 June to forward to our party leaderships and governments. It is also still supposed to be shared with the Mongolian and Cuban comrades.
With socialist greetings
Wenning [GDR Ambassador]
1x Central Committee, Department IV, Comrade Markowski
1x Foreign Ministry, Comrade Minister Fischer
1x Foreign Ministry, Comrade State Secretary Dr. Krolikowski
For Personal Information only, highly confidential!
About the Talks between Comrades Todor Zhivkov and Kim Il Sung during the Visit of the DPRK Party and Government Delegation to Bulgaria (2 to 5 June 1975)
During the official talks between the party and government delegations of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria and the DPRK, and in private talks between Comrades Todor Shivkov and Kim Il Sung, a wide range of questions were discussed and positions of both countries outlined.
I. Questions discussed during official meetings of both delegations
2. [Kim Il Sung:] For Korean Unification
The second issue we are working on is strengthening the revolutionary movement in South Korea, the struggle for the withdrawal of foreign troops from South Korea, and the creation of conditions for peaceful unification of the country.
a) The movement for democratization of the society and the unification of the fatherland is growing in South Korea and very active. A deficit is the lacking active participation of workers and peasants in this movement. The intelligentsia is unable to deeply penetrate the village and the working class and exert respective influence. This is a result of the heavy repression in South Korea. The struggle for democratization of South Korean society is still active on a high level. In the past, as well as in the current year, the students were uprising for mass struggle. Educational institutions were closed down, a major part of students were drafted into the army, and another part ended up in prisons. That is the situation in South Korea.
b) We were forced to freeze peaceful dialogue with South Korea since they insist on creating two Koreas. This means in fact the eternal division of Korea. Such happens on instructions of the U.S. and Japan. By demanding the creation of two Koreas they aimed at shutting down the talks. We think we cannot achieve any results by talking to them. Moreover: What benefit would we have from talking to the dictator [Park Chung Hee] in a situation where the South Korean people are actively against him?
c) We are against creating two Koreas. The United States attempts to turn South Korea into an American base. That is why they insist on petrifying the division. Japan has identical goals. The Japanese strive at maintaining the South Korean territory as a market for their goods and define the DMZ at the 38th parallel for the fight against communism. They claim, in light of the changed situation in Indochina, we will attack the South as well. In this context they make noise and continue to agitate against us. As a result, compared to previous years the tension has increased. In South Korea they unfold an anti-communist campaign with new forms, and frequently they talk about a war with the DPRK.
d) Kissinger and the U.S. Defense Secretary repeat over and again that they will not tolerate in South Korea what happened in Indochina, and that they will continue their commitments. There are additional troop deployments in South Korea. Obviously the Americans cannot achieve anything anymore. Their forces are spread out over many countries. This leads to the assumption that they cannot fight successfully any longer. Yet they are still imperialists.
e) We have to increase our vigilance and combat readiness. If they attack us, we are ready to fight them. However, we will never attack first. We even intend to have talks about a peaceful unification of the country in case there will be a democratic change in the [South Korean] leadership. We have not refrained from using the slogan of the peaceful unification of the fatherland. We continue to insist on the three principles to achieve unification, namely autonomously, without foreign interference, in peaceful ways, and independently from ideological differences.
f) In the context of increasing the fight of the Korean people for unification, we deem it necessary that ever more peoples from different countries in the world will raise their voice for the withdrawal of American forces from South Korea.
II. Issues discussed in private talks between Comrades Todor Zhivkov and Kim Il Sung
Comrades Todor Zhivkov and Kim Il Sung talked to each other in Varna for about three hours. They also talked while traveling there [from Sofia]. The following topics were discussed in these talks:
6. On Korean unification
Comrade Kim Il Sung stated, after the U.S. defeat in Indochina, attention of the world is now focusing on the Korean question. Western news agencies would relentlessly report the DPRK will attack South Korea inspired by the Vietnamese victory. This is directed by the Americans and the South Korean puppets to increase repression against patriotic and democratic forces that fight for the democratization of society [in South Korea] and the unification of the fatherland.
The South Korean army (760,000 men) is stronger than the DPRK forces (500,000). The number of American forces was increased by 4,000, and now amounts to 42,000 troops. With only 16 million people and a shortage of workers in the DPRK, it will be very difficult to recruit and mobilize even more young people for the army. Also the U.S. forces have equipment superior to North Korea’s army.
Talking in more detail about the situation in South Korea, Kim stated the DPRK maintains relations with the New Democratic Party. It forms together with the Party of Democratic Unification and the Social-democratic Party the People’s Front for the Unification of Korea. Religious leaders are also members of the People’s Front advocating a democratization of society and Korean unification. Yet mostly representatives of the middle class are part of the People’s Front. Their relation with workers and peasants, as well as their influence among them, is still weak.
The Marxist party in South Korea, the Revolutionary Unification Party, is weak in numbers. It has about 3,000 members. They have a central leadership and leadership structures in the provinces. They have representatives in several factories but they are illegal and their activities are much impaired. Making active efforts among workers and peasants, and fighting openly against Park Chung Hee, would result in the liquidation of its leaders. This is why we have instructed the members of the Revolutionary Party to join the ranks of the legal opposition parties and increase their influence from there under the workers and peasants.
An important force in the struggle of the South Korean people for the democratization of society and Korean unification are the students that organize mass demonstrations against Park Chung Hee. All these forces are fighting an active struggle. Kim underlined that de facto the score between the forces fighting for Korean unification and those advocating the eternal division of the country and the creation of two Koreas, is 2:1 in favor of the former when including the DPRK into the count.
Comrade Kim Il Sung explained that there are low-level contacts between DPRK and U.S. representatives in Panmunjeom. The Americans declared that U.S. forces will leave South Korean territory if the DPRK makes an official statement not to invade South Korea. The DPRK has frequently made such declarations, yet there are still American forces in South Korea.
There are two options to achieve the unification of Korea, either peacefully with diplomacy, or by military means. Kim stated the DPRK continues to be committed to the first option and has not given up the slogan of the country’s peaceful unification. Yet for its success this requires American withdrawal, Park Chung Hee’s international isolation, and the outbreak of an uprising in South Korea.
There is always a chance for a revolt while U.S. forces are still present. Yet the DPRK recommended to democratic forces in South Korea some advice for their actions. Obviously, Kim said, there is always the option they do not listen to us and rise up.
Geographical and natural conditions in South Korea are very different from Vietnam’s. South Korea has no neighboring territories like Vietnam has in Laos and Cambodia, and it is surrounded by sea on three sides. In the case of a move by the Korean army into the South, Northern forces are in great danger to get trapped and encircled. Also there is no fertile ground for a sustainable guerrilla war. The forces of the adversary are strong and small unit fighting cannot be successful. For all these reasons, the DPRK does not favor a military method to solve the unification problem.
Kim Il Sung concluded, this does not mean the DPRK will be unable to defend its achievements if attacked. To the contrary, it increases its vigilance. The DPRK is ready to fight if attacked. Kim emphasized, its mountain ranges and submerged rice paddies are natural obstacles for any enemy to move forward rapidly in case of an aggression. The enemy could only resort to air power but countermeasures are already in place – underground bunkers, factories, power plants and so on. Then Kim stressed that there is the huge supportive hinterland of the allies Soviet Union and China. In essence, Kim stated, KWP and DPRK positions are aiming at solving the question of Korean unification peacefully. Yet it will take a lot of time.