154-1-696
SOUTH KOREANS dread the prospect of renewed fighting across the ¡°38th parallel¡± that divides their country from the communist North. But not all of them savour the alternative ending for their cold war: rapprochement and reunification.
North Korea¡¯s indigence is almost as scary as its belligerence. The collapse of its rogue dictatorship—improbable but not unthinkable—would replace a military threat with a variety of economic perils, including a possible flood of cheap migrant labour and costly obligations to support the North¡¯s people and infrastructure. Germany¡¯s example is hardly reassuring. Two decades after reunification, the East still subtracts heavily from Germany¡¯s budget and adds greatly to its unemployment figures.
Before the last Korean war in 1950, the North was home to most of the country¡¯s heavy industry. As late as 1975, its income per head still exceeded the South¡¯s, according to Eui-Gak Hwang of Korea University in Seoul. ¡°Obviously, sooner or later the country must be reunited,¡± wrote Joan Robinson, a Cambridge economist, in 1977, ¡°by absorbing the South into socialism.¡±
South Korea¡¯s central bank reckons that North Korea¡¯s annual income per person was only $960 in 2009, or about 5% of South Korea¡¯s. (This estimate values the North¡¯s output using South Korea¡¯s prices and its exchange rate against the dollar.) This disparity dwarfs the income gap between the two Germanys on the eve of reunification (see chart). Poorer than East Germany, North Korea is also bigger. Its population of 24m is about half the size of the South¡¯s, whereas East Germany¡¯s was only about a quarter the size of the West¡¯s.
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